the V1
'buzz bomb'
A German V1 flying bomb at Duxford Imperial War Museum UK
The
Fieseler Fi 103/FZG-76 (Vergeltungswaffe-1, V-1), known as
the Flying bomb, Buzz bomb or Doodlebug, was the first
modern guided missile used in wartime and the forerunner of
today's cruise missile.
The name Vergeltungswaffe, meaning "reprisal weapon", was
coined by German propaganda minister Goebbels to signify
reprisals against the Allies for the bombing of the
Fatherland. FZG is an abbreviation of Flakzielgerät
(anti-aircraft cannon aiming device), a misleading name.
The V-1 was developed by the German Luftwaffe during the
Second World War and was used operationally between June
1944 and March 1945. It was used to attack targets in
south-eastern England and Belgium, chiefly the cities of
London and Antwerp. V-1s were launched from "ski-jump"
launch sites along the French (Pas-de-Calais) and Dutch
coasts until the sites were overrun by Allied forces. A
small number were air launched from German aircraft over the
North Sea. The V-1 was later complemented by the more
sophisticated V-2 rocket. The last V-1 attack struck British
soil on March 29, 1945, two days after the final V-2 attack.
The V-1 and V-2 "Vengeance
weapons" added a new terror to an already terrible war—robot
missiles. Once launched, these weapons flew without human
intervention to strike distant targets. The V-1 was
essentially a small pilotless aircraft with minimal guidance
and a large warhead. The V-2 ballistic missile was also
unmanned but of a far greater technological sophistication.
Both weapons could hit a city-sized target but accuracy
greater than this was rare. The V-weapons failed to turn the
tide of war but they did force the Allies to devote large
amounts of time and resources in fighting and defending
against them.
The V-1 is thought by some to have been the first cruise
missile used in combat, but this distinction actually
belongs to the Kettering "Bug" Aerial Torpedo, a small
propeller-driven Allied flying bomb of WWI.
Description
The V-1 was designed jointly by
Robert Lusser of the Fieseler company and Fritz Gosslau from
the Argus engine works as the Fi 103. It was powered by an
Argus pulse jet engine providing 2.9 kN (660 lbf) of thrust
for a top speed of 630 km/h (390 mph) and a range of around
250 km (150 miles), which was later increased to 400 km (250
miles). It was 7.9 meters (26 feet) long and 5.3 meters (17
feet) in span and weighed 2180 kilograms (4,800 pounds). It
flew at an altitude of 100 to 1000 meters (300 to 3,000
feet). It carried an 850-kilogram (1,870-pound) warhead. The
missile was a relatively simple device with a fuselage
constructed mainly of sheet metal, and could be assembled in
around 50 man-hours.
Pulsejets are the simplest jet engines, little more than a
one-way air intake valve, combustion chamber and fuel
system. The V-1 was often called the buzz bomb because of
the characteristic buzzing sound of its engine. This also
led to the "doodlebug" name, after an Austrian insect. The
characteristic sound comes from the series of ignition
pulses which gives the engine its name. Fuel is squirted
into the combustion chamber as air is forced in from the
front through shutters that form the one-way valve. When the
right fuel-air mixture is obtained, the engine fires,
closing the shutters and blasting the expanding gases out
the tailpipe. As pressure drops in the chamber, the shutters
are forced open and the process repeats itself,
approximately 100 times per second. As the V-1 entered its
terminal dive the engine would cut out, and people along the
bomb's flight path would listen intently for the silence
that heralded the V-1's impact. As the pulsejet requires a
high volume of incoming air, the V-1 was launched from a
ramp through the use of a solid fuel booster.
Guidance
system
Final dive of a V-1 over London
The guidance system was very
crude in construction but sophisticated in conception (and
had a few flaws in execution). Once clear of the launching
pad, an autopilot was engaged. It regulated height and speed
together, using a weighted pendulum system to get fore and
aft feedback linking these and the device's attitude to
control its pitch (damped by a gyromagnetic compass, which
it also stabilized). There was a more sophisticated
interaction between yaw, roll, and other sensors: a
gyromagnetic compass (set by swinging in a hangar before
launch) gave feedback to control each of pitch and roll, but
it was angled away from the horizontal so that controlling
these degrees of freedom interacted (the gyroscope stayed
trued up by feedback from the magnetic field, and from the
fore and aft pendulum mentioned before). This interaction
meant that rudder control was sufficient without any
separate banking mechanism.
There was a small propeller on the nose, connected to a long
screw thread going back inside the missile. On this thread
was a washer, and at the back end of the thread were two
electrical contacts. As the missile flew, the airflow turned
the propeller and hence the threaded shaft; the washer would
be wound along the shaft as it turned. When it reached the
electrical contacts it would make a circuit, which energised
a solenoid attached to a small guillotine. This guillotine
would cut through the elevator control cable which would in
turn put the sprung-elevator into the fully-down position,
putting the V-1 into a sudden dive.
This was intended to be a power
dive, but the abrupt negative-G (or perhaps simply the angle
of the descent) caused the fuel flow to cease which stopped
the engine. As there was a belly fuse as well as a nose
fuse, there was still usually an explosion, although not
always with the device buried deep enough to increase the
effect of the blast. Sometimes the sudden dive system would
fail and the missile would coast in on a flat trajectory;
this led to a rumour that there were two versions, which was
not so.
At the launch site the engineers would preset the starting
position of the washer on the shaft according to the known
distance to the target and an estimate of the headwind. It
sounds very rough-and-ready but it was accurate enough.
Operation and
effectiveness
V-1 in flight
The first test flight of the
wonder weapon V-1 was in late 1941 or early 1942 at
Peenemünde. Early guidance and stabilisation problems were
finally resolved by a daring test flight by Hanna Reitsch,
in a V-1 modified for manned operation. The data she brought
back after fighting the unwieldy V-1 down to a successful
landing enabled the engineers to devise the stabilisation
system described above. The idea of a piloted V-1 as a
suicide weapon sprang from this mission.
The first offensive launch was
from June 12 to June 13, 1944. The Allies had previously
organized a heavy series of air attacks (Operation Crossbow)
on the launch sites (beginning in December 1943) and now
also attacked the V-1s in flight (see Countermeasures
below). Because of a combination of defensive measures,
mechanical unreliability, and guidance errors, only a
quarter successfully hit their targets.
Once the Allies had captured or destroyed the sites that
were the principal launch points of V-1s aimed at England,
the Germans switched to missile launches aimed at strategic
points in the Low Countries, primarily the port of Antwerp.
Although most V-1s were launched from static sites on land,
the Luftwaffe did, from July 1944 to January 1945, launch a
number of V-1s from Heinkel He 111 aircraft flying over the
North Sea. This would also have been the launch method for
the proposed piloted version of the weapon, and is how the
very earliest experimental versions of the V-1 were tested.
Late in the war, several piloted V-1s were built; known as
Reichenbergs, they were never used in combat. It was also
hoped to use the Arado Ar 234 jet bomber to deploy V-1s,
either by towing them aloft, or by launching them from a
"piggy back" position atop the aircraft. Neither Ar 234
concept was employed before the end of the war.
Almost 30,000 V-1s were manufactured. Approximately 10,000
were fired at England up to March 29, 1945. Of these, about
7,000 were "hits" in the sense that they landed somewhere in
England. A little more than half of those (3,876) landed in
the Greater London area.
An almost equal number were downed by the combination of
fighters and barrage balloons. When the V-1 raids began, the
only effective direct defence was interception by a handful
of very high-performance fighter aircraft, especially the
Hawker Tempest. The British were able to redirect V-1s aimed
at London to less populated areas east of the city by
sending false impact reports via the German espionage
network in Britain, which was actually controlled by the
British.
In the London area, roughly
5,500 persons died as a result of V-1 attacks, with some
16,000 more persons injured.
Intelligence
reports
The codename Flak Ziel Gerät 76
was somewhat successful in disguising the true nature of
this device, and it was some time before references to FZG
76 were tied to the V83 pilotless aircraft (an experimental
V-1) which had crashed on Bornholm in the Baltic, and to
reports from agents of a flying bomb capable of being used
against London. Initially British experts were skeptical of
the V-1 because they had considered only solid fuel rockets
as a means of propulsion, which put the stated range of 130
miles (209 km) out of the question. However when other types
of engine were considered they relented, and by the time
German scientists had achieved the needed accuracy to deploy
the V-1 as a weapon, British intelligence had a very
accurate characterisation of it.
A deception concerning the V-1 was played on the Germans
using double agents. MI5 (by way of the famed Double Cross
System) had these agents provide Germany with damage reports
for the June 1944 V-1 attacks which implied that on average
the bombs were travelling too far, while not contradicting
the evidence presumed to be available to German planners
from photographic reconnaissance of London. In fact the
bombs had been seeded with radio-transmitting samples to
confirm their range, but the results from these samples were
ignored in favour of the false eyewitness accounts, and many
lives may have been saved by the resulting tendency of
future V-1 bombs to fall short of built-up areas.
Countermeasures
A Spitfire using its wingtip to topple the gyros of a V-1
Flying Bomb
The British defence against the
V-1 was codenamed Operation Diver. Anti-aircraft guns were
redeployed in several movements: first in mid-June 1944 from
positions on the North Downs to the south coast of England;
then a cordon closing the Thames Estuary to attacks from the
east. In September 1944 a new linear defence line was formed
on the coast of East Anglia, and finally in December there
was a further layout along the Lincolnshire-Yorkshire coast.
The deployments were prompted by the ever-changing approach
tracks of the missiles which were in turn influenced by the
Allies' advance through Europe.
Anti-aircraft gunners found that such small, fast-moving
targets were difficult to hit. At first, it took, on
average, 2500 shells to bring down a single V-1. The average
altitude of the V-1, between 2,000 and 3,000 feet (610 and
915 m), was in a narrow band between the optimum engagement
heights for light and heavy anti-aircraft weapons. These low
heights defeated the rate of traverse of the standard
British QF 3.7 inch mobile gun, and static gun installations
with faster traverses had to be built at great cost. The
development of centimetric gun laying radars based on the
cavity magnetron and the development of the proximity fuse
helped to neutralise the advantages of speed and size which
the V-1 possessed. In 1944 Bell Labs started delivery of an
anti-aircraft predictor fire-control system based around an
analogue computer just in time for use in this campaign.
Barrage balloons were also deployed against the missiles,
but the leading edges of the V-1's wings were equipped with
balloon cable cutters and fewer than 300 V-1s are known to
have been destroyed by hitting cables.
Fighter defences had also been mobilized as part of
Operation Diver. Most fighter aircraft were too slow to
catch a V-1 unless they had a useful height advantage. Even
when intercepted, the V-1 was difficult to bring down.
Machine gun bullets had little effect on the sheet steel
structure, and 20 mm cannon shells had a shorter range,
which meant that detonating the warhead could destroy the
intercepting fighter as well.
The V-1 was also nearly immune to conventional air-combat
techniques because of its design, which eliminated the
primary "one-shot stop" points of pilot, life-support and
complex engine. A single hit on the pilot or oxygen system
can force an abort or cause the destruction of a normal
plane, but there is no pilot in a cruise missile. The
reciprocating engines of WWII aircraft and the turbojet
engines of today's fighters are also vulnerable, as a tiny
nick in a quarter-inch oil line or one small shell fragment
can destroy such engines. However, the Argus pulsejet could
be shot full of holes and continue to provide sufficient
thrust for continued flight. The only vulnerable point was
the valve array at the front of the engine and the only
one-shot stop points on the V-1 were the bomb detonators and
the line from the fuel tank, three very small targets buried
inside the fuselage. An explosive shell from a fighter's
cannon or anti-aircraft artillery was the most effective
weapon, if it could be detonated in a direct hit on the
warhead itself.
When the attacks began in
mid-June of 1944 there were fewer than 30 Tempests in 150
Wing to defend against them. Few other aircraft had the
low-altitude performance to be effective. Initial attempts
to intercept V-1s were often unsuccessful but interdiction
techniques were rapidly developed. These included the
hair-raising but effective method of using the airflow over
an interceptor's wing to raise one wing of the Doodlebug, by
sliding the interceptor's wingtip under the V-1's wing and
bringing it to within six inches (15 cm) of the lower
surface. Done properly, the airflow would tip the V-1's wing
up, overriding the buzz bomb's gyros and sending it into an
out of control dive. At least three V-1s were destroyed this
way.
The Tempest wing was built up to over 100 aircraft by
September; P-51 Mustangs and Griffon-engined Spitfire XIVs
were polished and tuned to make them almost fast enough, and
during the short summer nights the Tempests shared defensive
duty with Mosquitoes. Specially modified P-47Ms (half their
fuel tanks, half their 0.5in {12.7 mm} machine guns, all
external fittings, and all their armour plate removed) were
also pressed into service against the V-1 menace. There was
no need for radar — at night the V-1's engine could be heard
from 16 km (10 miles) or more away, and the exhaust plume
was like a beacon.
In daylight, V-1 chases were chaotic and often unsuccessful
until a special defence zone between London and the coast
was declared in which only the fastest fighters were
permitted. Between June and mid-August 1944, the handful of
Tempests shot down 638 flying bombs. One Tempest pilot,
Squadron Leader Joseph Berry of No. 501 (Tempest) Squadron,
downed fifty-nine V-1s, and Wing Commander Roland Beamont
destroyed 31.
Next most successful was the
Mosquito (428), Spitfire XIV (303), and Mustang, (232). All
other types combined added 158. The still-experimental
jet-powered Gloster Meteor, which was rushed half-ready into
service to fight the V-1s, had ample speed but suffered from
a readily-jammed cannon and accounted for only 13.
By mid-August 1944, the threat was all but overcome—not by
aircraft, but by the sudden arrival of two enormously
effective electronic aids for anti-aircraft guns, both
developed in the USA by the MIT Rad Lab: radar-based
automatic gunlaying (using, among others, the SCR-584
radar), and above all, the proximity fuze. Both of these had
been requested by AA Command and arrived in numbers,
starting in June 1944, just as the guns reached their
free-firing positions on the coast.
Seventeen per cent of all flying bombs entering the coastal
'gun belt' were destroyed by guns in the first week on the
coast. This kill rate rose week on week to reach 60 per cent
by 23 August and 74 per cent in the last week of the month,
when on one extraordinary day 82 per cent of all targets
available to the guns fell. The kill rate increased from one
V-1 for every 2,500 shells fired to one for every hundred.
After the war
After the war, the armed forces
of both the United States and the Soviet Union experimented
with the V-1 in an assortment of scenarios. The most
successful was a U.S. Navy experiment to mount V-1s on
submarines. This was called the KGW-1 Loon, which was an
adaptation of the U.S. Army's JB-2 Doodle Bug. The JB-2,
built by Republic Aviation (airframe) and Ford Aerospace
(pulsejet engine), was reverse-engineered by inspection of
V-1 wreckage found in England and was first flight-tested
less than four months after the first V-1 attack. While the
first flights were from Eglin AAF, Florida, extensive
testing was also done at Wendover AAF in Utah, launching
only a few hundred feet from the sheds where the first
atomic bombs were being built. The JB-2 was intended as a
weapon in the invasion of Japan, which was prevented by the
atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Following the war,
testing at Wendover continued, including comparison tests
between the original German missile and the American copy.
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